
I do not subscribe to the most aggressive interpretations about the deliberate design of the United States as a racial country but still, concede that the enduring effects of slavery subsist. But the most important lesson for me is that these approaches and assumptions about race capabilities and proclivities are embedded in discourse and state operations even today. I
In general, the author concludes that Obama was a special individual, undeniably capable and an outstandingly clean governor but had to consciously calibrate his utterances and screen against those that would offend racial groups, while being particularly stern in adressing black youth and men.
By far, the best chapter is when this writer makes a very detailed case for reparations in Chapter 6. I read the magazine version of the article but the reiteration here has impressed me even as a student of economics. The level of systematic predation against black families after the civil war extended to the second half of the new century and had devastating effects on black ability to build and transfer physical capital across generations. While the author doesn't resolve the question of the quantum but fairly records the discussion with President Obama who quickly and sensibly responded by highlighting difficulties in estimating quantum in addition to government distribution of that "entitlement" (my words).
I found this paragraph on page 200 profoundly provocative
"To celebrate freedom and democracy while forgetting America's origins in a slavery economy is patriotism à la carte." Ta- Nehisi Coates